Ronald Reagan – The Actor Who Became President Documentary
Ronald Reagan – The Actor Who Became President Documentary

On the 6th of November 1984 Americans voted to elect their next President. The Republican incumbent, Ronald Reagan, won a landslide, taking every state except Minnesota, his opponent, Walter Mondale’s home state. Today Reagan divides opinion. Some see him as a President who de-regulated the economy and paved the way for the Great Financial Crisis of 2008. Others laud him as the leader who won the Cold War.
In 1984 Americans clearly wanted him for another four years. What explains this divided view of the 40th President of the United States? This is the story of Ronald Reagan, an icon of American conservatism. The man known to history as Ronald Wilson Reagan was born on the 6th of February 1911 at home in the village of Tampico in the state of Illinois. His father was Jack Reagan.
When Ronald was born in 1911, 27-year old Jack was working as a clerk in a store in Tampico. He subsequently became a travelling salesman. Jack’s family’s roots were in Ireland. The family surname was originally O’Regan and Jack’s grandfather, Michael, was born and grew up in the county of Tipperary in the Irish midlands.
He left as part of the mass exodus following the Irish famine of the 1840s, emigrating first to England and then the United States. Jack married Nelle Clyde Wilson in 1904, a woman of Scottish and English heritage. Jack and Nelle had a son named Neil four years later, in 1908, followed by Ronald in 1911. Ronald’s childhood was not easy. The family were far from rich and he was one of the few presidents which the United States has ever had who came from a modest background.
The Reagans moved frequently as Jack found work as a salesman in Chicago, Monmouth and other parts of Illinois. In the end they settled down in the town of Dixon after the First World War and Ronald attended Dixon High School here. The Reagan household was unstable owing to Jack’s drinking. Later in his life he attempted to characterise his childhood as a kind of idyllic rustic one in small-town America, but in reality Jack Reagan frequently went on alcohol binges and Ronald once found him passed out in a stupor in the snow outside the family home in Dixon. Biographers have suggested that Reagan’s personality was shaped by these early experiences
in ways which deeply impacted his later life. In the immediate term, during his childhood years, he leaned more towards his mother. He adopted her religious views, as Nelle was a Protestant and an adherent of the Disciples of Christ, while Jack, as an Irish American, was a Roman Catholic.
This, however, did not stop Ronald from identifying as Irish American. After high school, Ronald attended Eureka College. There he obtained a Bachelor of Arts studying economics and sociology. Nonetheless, Reagan was not a particularly good student and his interests primarily lay in extra-curricular activities, especially American football.
He also enjoyed drama, an interest which would be the making of him in the long run. After college Reagan took up a position as a sports broadcaster working for a local radio station in Davenport in Iowa. This was the period of modern history when radio was the king of media.
Television would not come into its own until after the Second World War and people were switching away from stage shows to visiting the cinema and listening to radios at home. There was an art to describing sports games in a period when people still couldn’t see a match but could evoke an idea of what was happening if the broadcasters described it well. Reagan was good at this and he was soon approached by WHO Radio in Des Moines in Iowa to come work for one of the biggest outlets in this part of the Midwest.
Strangely enough, for a man who went on to have such a substantial bearing on the history of the twentieth century, we might never have heard of Ronald Reagan had it not been for his stint as a radio sports broadcaster. While travelling for this job with the Chicago Cubs in California in 1937, he happened to mention to a friend that he wouldn’t mind giving acting a try.
She introduced him to a film agent, who in turn introduced him to the executives at Warner Bros. A few weeks later Reagan had a seven-year film contract and by 1937 was out he had made his film debut as the lead in Love is On the Air. He would appear in over 30 films over the next five years, with ten alone appearing in 1938. Reagan was certainly not a rival to Humphrey Bogart or Cary Grant.
He was a competent B-movie actor whose career was predicated on his good looks and his professionalism. On the 7th of December 1941 the United States was pulled violently into the Second World War when the Empire of Japan attacked Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, a conflict public opinion was until then in favour of avoiding entanglement in. Reagan was married by then.
After a period of being regularly noted in gossip columns as one of Hollywood’s most eligible bachelors, he had married Jane Wyman in January 1940. Their first child, a daughter named Maureen, was born a year later in January 1941. They then adopted a second child, Michael Reagan, born in 1945. A third child, another daughter named Christine, was born prematurely in 1947 and did not survive long.
As Jane was raising Maureen at home, Ronald had headed off to perform his military service. He had been an army reservist since 1937 and reported for duty in 1942. Owing to both his background as a film star and his short-sightedness, he was primarily desk-bound in various parts of the country for the war and appeared in literally hundreds of short military training and propaganda films.
His marriage fell apart after the war, with Christine’s death possibly being an inflection point. He and Jane divorced in 1948. Four years later he married Anne Frances Robbins, an actress who went by the stage name Nancy Davis. With Nancy, Ronald had two further children, Patti, born in 1952, and Ronald Jr. or Ron, born in 1958.
In Hollywood after the war, Reagan had started to become a more political person. In fact his political views contributed to the collapse of his first marriage. Jane leaned more towards the Republican Party, while Reagan was a Democrat, an ironic situation given his later image as a Republican Party icon, albeit this was before the mass realignment of American politics in the late 1950s and 1960s.
Reagan continued to act, but he was never again as prolific as he had been in the period between 1938 and 1942. Instead he became chair of the Motion Pictures Industry Council after the war and then the head of the Screen Actors Guild, serving in the position between 1947 and 1952 and again briefly in 1959 and 1960. He was acknowledged by his contemporaries as a strong head of the Guild who advocated effectively for his colleagues.
Nevertheless, Reagan’s period as head of the Guild is controversial, as he testified extensively before the House Un-American Activities Committee which was investigating claims that many people in Hollywood were communists at a time when the Cold War with the Soviet Union was heating up. He aligned himself with the studios against the unions in Hollywood.
While some unease within America about the rise of communist sympathies in the late 1940s and early 1950s was understandable in the context of the developing Cold War, the blacklisting of screenwriters and actors who were even suspected of harbouring communist views is generally seen as a witch hunt today in the vein of Senator Joseph McCarthy’s ultimately discredited ‘Red Scare’.
While his role with the Screen Actors Guild indicated Reagan’s shift towards being a more political figure in Hollywood, he remained a constant presence on screen. His final film appearance was in 1964 in The Killers, but long before then he had transitioned to television. Between 1954 and 1962, he hosted hundreds of episodes of General Electric Theater on CBS, an anthology series which partly went out on television, partly on radio.
It was a kind of sketch show of the sort so popular in the post-war decades, one which involved adapting short stories and snippets from plays, books and so forth. It ensured Reagan remained a prominent figure in American entertainment. Part of his contract also involved touring the country as a speaker for General Electric, a utilities company that sponsored the show, to give motivational speeches at GE’s 135 plants throughout the country.
His talks became increasingly political in the early 1960s and highlighted his shift from being a Democratic supporter to a Republican who promoted the idea of small government. This was a political outlook which had evolved in Reagan gradually over the years.
By the end of the 1950s he had become convinced that expanding government bureaucracy was a problem for the US government and society. He was hugely opposed to John F. Kennedy as President and gave an impassioned plea in support of Barry Goldwater, the Republican candidate against Kennedy’s successor, Lyndon Johnson, in the 1964 Presidential Election. His intervention failed to prevent Goldwater being defeated in all but six states in a landslide victory for Johnson and his idea of the ‘Great Society’ that won over a broad coalition of Americans for a brief time in the mid-1960s. When the 1964 election was underway Reagan had long been out of a job.
GE had insisted on his dismissal from hosting General Electric Theater as he had become too political in his public statements, though the official reason given for his departure from the show was declining ratings. Far from being dismayed by his dismissal by General Electric, Reagan became even more committed to politics and fully transitioned from acting to a political career in the mid-1960s.
Since 1959 Pat Brown had been the governor of California. This Democratic leader of the state had been popular in his first term, delivering on projects like the California State Water Project and a Master Plan for Higher Education. His popularity slipped quickly in his second term owing to the Watts Riots of August 1965 and other public order issues in the state.
This provided an opportunity for Reagan to run against Brown as a political outsider who nevertheless had a public profile owing to his lengthy radio, film and television career. Running on a law-and-order message similar to Goldwater’s national campaign in 1964, Reagan managed to defeat Brown by a substantial margin in the election on the 8th of November 1966. He served as Governor of California for eight years between 1967 and 1975.
Reagan’s gubernatorial record was frequently at odds with his later actions as US President. For instance, in California he raised taxes initially to put the state on a more solid financial footing. He also passed the Mulford Act not long after becoming governor, which prohibited the carrying of loaded firearms, despite the fact that Reagan was a keen advocate of the 2nd Amendment right to bear arms.
He decided to test the national political waters by entering the Republican primary race for the US Presidential Election of 1968 quite late in affairs. Reagan was never a viable candidate, as Richard Nixon had secured too much support by the time Reagan became involved, but he won enough support during his brief ‘Stop Nixon’ campaign to indicate that he was a viable future presidential candidate.
As his time as Governor of California drew to a close at the start of 1975, Reagan pondered his next move. This was dictated by events surrounding the sitting President. Gerald Ford had been President Richard Nixon’s Vice-President until August 1974 when he succeeded as head of state after Nixon resigned over the fallout from the Watergate Scandal.
Although eight previous Vice-Presidents had succeeded to the Presidency after the President of the day died or was assassinated, Ford was the first to do so via a Presidential resignation and without ever having been elected as Vice-President. Spiro Agnew had been Nixon’s running partner in the 1972 election, but he had resigned in October 1973, thus paving the way for a remarkable ascent by Ford to become Vice-President and then President in under a year.
He was deeply unpopular, even within his own party, especially so after he appointed Nelson Rockefeller as his Vice-President, while the legacy of the Watergate Scandal and the economic crisis of the 1970s made Ford even more unpopular beyond the Republican Party. Many found his granting of a pardon to Nixon so that he could not be prosecuted particularly egregious.
As discontent over the idea of Ford running as the Republican Party candidate in the 1976 Presidential Election mounted, Reagan decided to mount a challenge. He announced his campaign on the 20th of November 1975 after months of unofficial campaigning. His campaign built momentum and he won the New Hampshire primary. The primary campaign proved indecisive and the candidate was only decided at the Republican National Convention in Kansas City in August 1976. At this, Ford narrowly defeated Reagan by 53% to 47%.
He over-performed in the Presidential Election and the Democratic candidate, Jimmy Carter, only won by a relatively narrow majority in an election which the Democrats ought to have won much more comfortably. Ford’s loss in 1976 might have been a respectable one, but there was no possibility that he would ever stand again to try to become the Republican candidate.
Instead Reagan was very much seen as the candidate in waiting in the late 1970s. Moreover, Jimmy Carter’s presidency was not particularly well-liked by the public, albeit a lot of this was out of his control and was owing to resentments about the continuing economic crisis in the second half of the 1970s pursuant from the global oil crisis that began in 1973.
Stagflation, a combination of economic stagnation and high inflation, combined with high gas prices and unrest over events in Central Asia, where the Soviet Union had invaded Afghanistan and the Iranian Revolution had occurred in 1979, also undermined Carter. Conversely, Reagan campaigned in 1979 and 1980 as a Cold War presidential candidate who would adopt a more aggressive stance towards the Russians.
He faced a surprising challenge from the former director of the CIA, George H. W. Bush, who did well in the Republican primaries, but he ultimately saw him off at the convention in mid-July 1980. Reagan then surprised many Republicans by picking Bush to run as his proposed Vice-President.
Together they beat Jimmy Carter and his Vice-Presidential candidate, Walter Mondale, in the national election in November 1980. Reagan won a landslide victory with 489 votes out of 538 in the Electoral College in an election in which a third-party candidate, John Anderson, soaked up nearly six million votes. Reagan now had a clear mandate to adopt a radically different approach to government from what had prevailed in the 1960s and 1970s.
He was sworn in at his inauguration ceremony on the 20th of January 1981, the first time an inauguration was held on the West Front of the Capitol Building in Washington D.C. While Reagan had campaigned on a platform of aggressive fiscal and economic reform and an equally muscular approach towards the Cold War, before he could implement any of this life was very nearly cut short. Being President of the United States is a dangerous endeavour.
There have been attempts on the lives of 17 presidents and presidential candidates. Four presidents, Abraham Lincoln, James Garfield, William McKinley and John F. Kennedy, have been assassinated, meaning that there is an 8% chance of being killed in office as US President based on the fact 45 men have held the office.
In Reagan’s time, Gerald Ford had survived two assassination attempts within the space of two and a half weeks in September 1975. In Ford’s case both assailants didn’t actually shoot him. One missed and the other had failed to load the bullets correctly into the chamber. Reagan was not so lucky. On the 30th of March 1981, ten weeks into his presidency, he was seriously wounded after John Hinckley, Jr.
fired off a bullet that ricocheted and entered Reagan’s chest area, breaking a rib and puncturing one of his lungs. He was taken to hospital and survived after emergency surgery. Hinckley was found not-guilty by reason of insanity afterwards. He had developed an infatuation with the actress Jodie Foster and claimed that he wanted to impress her by assassinating the president.
After his initial arrival at George Washington University Hospital, Reagan’s blood pressure had dropped to 60, under half the normal level. It is theorised that he would have died had he not been in good physical shape for his age. He had quit smoking in 1966 after his brother developed throat cancer. Reagan also drank sparingly and exercised quite a bit.
He was out of hospital after the assassination attempt in under two weeks and proceeded to begin implementing his policies. Reagan’s first major order of business was the domestic economy. His economic views changed considerably over the course of his lifetime. He was a supporter of big government, state intervention and the power of collective bargaining in his earlier years in Hollywood and he even raised taxes as Governor of California.
His stances shifted over time and in the 1970s, he, like other major western leaders such as Margaret Thatcher in Britain, was won over to the idea that the economic malaise that struck the west from 1973 onwards could be fought back against by reducing taxes, shrinking the government, de-regulating the economy and privatising state-controlled assets.
This approach became known as Reaganomics in America and is a direct parallel to Thatcherism in Britain and Neo-Liberalism in broader western economic theory. An early component of this was the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981. This had nearly become law in 1980, but Carter had blocked the passage of it. Reagan signed it into law on the 13th of August 1981. The Act substantially reduced federal income tax rates across America.
Reagan is sometimes criticised for fostering inequality in America through his tax cuts, but marginal tax rates in the United States were extremely high in the 1960s and 1970s. The issue with the tax base in America and the budget deficit and debt has more to do with policies pursued in Reagan’s second term and by his successors.
On top of the tax cuts, the Federal Reserve continued to increase its rates to combat inflation, peaking at nearly 20% in 1981, a drastic measure which did curb rampant inflation. Between the flattening of inflation and the tax cuts, the Reagan era economy bounced back from a serious crisis in 1981 and 1982 to begin growing considerably from 1983 onwards.
Beyond tax cuts and the Fed’s battle against inflation, Reagan engaged in a multi-faceted approach to the economy. For instance, he deregulated the oil and gas industry to make the US less reliant on energy sources in the Middle East, a process that was sensible and already underway under Carter. Some federal agencies outsourced elements of their work to third parties in line with the Reaganomic belief that private industry was more efficient than the public sector.
However, privatisation was far less dramatic in the United States under Reagan than it was in Britain under Thatcher in the 1980s. The reasons for this were clear. The American government had far less state assets to begin with. The nature of US economic development going back to the middle of the nineteenth century was that things like the railways were broadly in private ownership.
While privatisation was perhaps less acute in the US under Reagan than is sometimes stated, he certainly did follow through on his aims to tackle the power of the trade unions. A notable incident occurred in the late summer of 1981 after the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization went on strike on the 3rd of August demanding a substantial pay increase, better pensions and a four-day work week.
Reagan acted swiftly to intervene by hiring replacements and calling retired controllers back to work. Within days the strike had been broken, and many air traffic controllers lost their jobs. It is viewed as a tipping point in the labour movement in America today. These policies are unquestionably controversial depending on a person’s economic outlook. Yet there is no denying that the US economy benefited initially.
It rebounded from the economic downturn of the early 1980s to grow at an average of 4.5% of GDP between 1983 and 1988. The other element of Reagan’s domestic policy platform that has garnered attention is his emphasis on law and order and the War on Drugs.
Again, there is no denying that America was a violent society with serious crime problems when Reagan entered office. Cities like New York were seeing well over a thousand homicides every year. A lot of this was linked to the illegal drug trade, especially the explosion in narcotics trafficking during the 1970s. Reagan and the First Lady, Nancy Reagan, with whom he was especially close and on whom he relied for emotional support throughout his political life, became known for their ‘Just Say No’ campaign against drug use. Reagan certainly didn’t start the War on Drugs.
It had mostly been created under Richard Nixon, but Reagan’s administration did pass legislation like the Military Co-Operation with Law Enforcement Act of 1981 which is seen as having led to the militarisation of it. The 1980s also witnessed a sharp increase in the development of what sociologists and political scientists now term the Prison-Industrial Complex.
The number of people in US prisons grew from around 550,000 in 1980 to well over a million in 1990 and then to nearly two million by the end of the century. Reagan’s policies might have been well-intentioned when it came to reducing extreme levels of crime, yet they failed for reasons broadly beyond his control.
In particular, Reagan’s entry into office coincided with the appearance of many more powerful narcotics onto the American market. The introduction of new legislation to fight the drug epidemic of the 1980s and early 1990s partly explains the rise in prison numbers. While Reagan’s War on Drugs met with mixed results, there isn’t any denying that urban crime levels fell very substantially in America in the 1990s and this has to be viewed to some extent as a delayed result of Reagan’s law and order policies in the 1980s.
In contrast to his active approach towards the War on Drugs and fighting crime in America, Reagan was notably silent on the HIV/AIDS Crisis which began in America at the start of the 1980s. The worst years of the crisis in America overlapped with Reagan’s time in office, yet he only first mentioned it in a press conference in 1985 when a question on the crisis was put to him, and he did not give a speech specifically on the subject of HIV/AIDS until 1987, six years after the first diagnoses in the US.
Reagan had been jingoistic about the Cold War on the campaign trail in 1980, but he was slow to actually act against the USSR after he entered office, prioritising domestic economic concerns first. By 1983 the US economy was starting to grow at speed and Reagan turned to foreign policy matters.
The Soviet Union had invaded Afghanistan on Christmas Eve 1979 to prop up a communist regime there and had been fighting Islamic mujahidin in the country ever since. The US government offered these fighters support. There were many other proxy conflicts underway around the world, particularly in places like Nicaragua and Guatemala in Central America and in parts of Africa like Ethiopia.
On the 8th of March 1983 Reagan gave a landmark speech at a meeting of the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida in which he referred to the Afghanistan conflict and used it to frame his argument that the Soviet Union was an “evil empire.” Two weeks later he announced plans to set up what became the Strategic Defence Initiative in 1984.
The goal of this was to use new technology to make America resistant to a nuclear strike, specifically by deploying advanced computer detection systems and interception devices. This even included plans for laser-like weapons and missile systems that would be located in low Earth orbit. These were unrealistic for the technology available in the mid-1980s and the Strategic Defence Initiative was derided as “reckless Star Wars schemes” by Senator Ted Kennedy.
Nevertheless, what the Star Wars plan and the “evil empire” speech indicated was that Reagan was determined to take a tougher line on the Soviet Union than Carter or Ford had. Reagan was the first US President since the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 to push back against the strategy of detente. Reagan’s first term witnessed the most dangerous moment in the Cold War since the Cuban Missile Crisis two decades earlier, though the nuclear threat that occurred in the 1980s happened in a much less public way than had the Cuban instance back in 1962. The Reagan era emergency is known
as Able Archer ‘83. In November 1983 the US and its NATO allies were carrying out their annual military exercises in Europe, what they called Operation Able Archer. These were fairly standard military exercises designed to simply indicate to the Russians and their allies that the western alliance stood ready to respond to any threat posed by the communists in Eastern Europe.
However, in November 1983, in large part owing to Reagan’s rhetoric and the inception of the Star Wars programme, the Soviets were on edge. Combined with this, NATO had introduced a new method of secret communications between its units. When these began relaying messages, the Russians, who also listened in on these military drills every year, became genuinely concerned and believed that the drills might be a smokescreen for an actual attack.
In response, the Politburo ordered its forces in Poland and East Germany to stand ready to defend the borders of the Warsaw Pact alliance and readied its nuclear arsenal. Documents that have only been declassified in recent years have revealed how close the world came to nuclear war as a result of Able Archer ‘83, though in the end the Russians decided to hold firm and wait for any attack to come from the west before responding.
It was a sign of how tense relations between the US and the USSR were during Reagan’s first term, but matters would soon improve owing to a change in leadership in Moscow. It must be said that Reagan frequently created tensions with the Russians and the Warsaw Pact bloc through his off-the-cuff remarks.
In October 1982 it was widely reported that he had referred to the Polish authorities as, quote, “a bunch of no-good, lousy bums,” a form of undiplomatic language that was not used back in the 1980s when conducting foreign diplomacy, even with an adversary. The statement had been made off-the-record while preparing to make a formal statement on the suppression of the Solidarity trade union in Poland, whose leader, Lech Walesa, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize the following year.
Two years later, on the 11th of August 1984, in the middle of giving the weekly radio address that he made every week from 1982 onwards as President, he made an even more ill-judged joke. Reagan concluded his address by saying, “My fellow Americans, I’m pleased to tell you today that I’ve signed legislation that will outlaw Russia forever. We begin bombing in five minutes.
” This was Reagan’s sense of humour and the joke was off-air. However, it was quickly leaked and there was an outcry that it was a reckless statement during a period of heightened tensions in the Cold War. Reagan’s sense of humour was not the only thing which marked his presidency out from others. The secret services, for instance, had to put together a team who could ride horses when Reagan became president, as he spent down time at his ranch out in California and went riding with Queen Elizabeth II when he visited Windsor Castle during a state visit in 1982. Another quirk of his time as leader of
America was the so-called ‘Jelly-Bean Strategy’. Reagan had taken to leaving the sweets lying around his office years earlier as a substitute for smoking as he tried to quit the habit. In the White House as president, he used bowls of jelly beans, as a way of disarming foreign leaders and diplomats, gauging how they would respond to the informality of the President of the United States offering a bowl of jelly beans.
It wasn’t simply Reagan’s demeanour which had made the Russians uneasy and led to the Able Archer ‘83 incident. He demonstrated as well during his first term that he was willing to take decisive military action when he felt it was justified, though he avoided long-term entanglements of the kind that had seen the Americans become entrenched in a long-running war in Vietnam between the late 1950s and their eventual full withdrawal in 1975.
For instance, while the US government initially tried to remain neutral in the Falklands War that broke out after the Argentine government invaded the British island chain in the South Atlantic in early April 1982, Reagan soon decided to give his support more firmly to Margaret Thatcher’s government.
In going against the military junta in Buenos Aires, Reagan risked alienating a strategic ally in Latin America. The most intense period of foreign intervention of Reagan’s first term came in the weeks before Able Archer ‘83. In the early hours of the 25th of October 1983, a US expedition invaded the Caribbean island of Grenada in response to a military coup days earlier that had led to the overthrow and murder of Prime Minister Maurice Bishop.
The invasion led to Hudson Austin, who had seized power at the end of the disturbances, being removed and fresh elections were held in December 1984. Despite the success of the mission, the unilateral action by Reagan’s administration was condemned at the United Nations, from which no approval had been sought.
The Grenada expedition meant that the US response to the bombing of its peacekeeping barracks in the Lebanon on the 23rd of October 1983, leading to the death of 241 US military personnel, was initially muted, even though the attack was one of the bloodiest strikes against American forces since the Second World War. It occurred within the context of the lengthy Lebanese Civil War.
Reagan only responded in February 1984 with a massive bombing campaign against Beirut and other targets in the country. Again, the Americans did not become entangled in any way beyond the strikes. Reagan was not going to risk sustained foreign wars like the Soviets were fighting in Afghanistan. There is no denying that many foreign leaders and observers found Reagan’s actions questionable in 1983 and 1984.
The intervention in Grenada had possibly been merited, but Reagan had acted unilaterally without any international debate on the issue. At home people were much more supportive of his actions, not least because after two initially difficult years in office, the American economy had roared to life in the second half of Reagan’s first term. US GDP growth in 1984 was 7.
2%, the only time since 1951 that the US economy has grown by over 7% in a single year. With this economic performance providing a political tailwind, Reagan and Bush brushed aside Walter Mondale and Geraldine Ferraro in the Presidential Election on the 6th of November 1984. The Reagan campaign featured a famous ad entitled Morning in America in which it was stated that “It’s morning again in America.
Today more men and women will go to work than ever before in our country’s history. With interest rates at about half the record highs of 1980, nearly 2,000 families today will buy new homes more than at any time in the past four years … It’s morning again in America, and under the leadership of President Reagan, our country is prouder and stronger and better. Why would we ever want to return to where we were less than four short years ago?” Most Americans agreed and Reagan and Bush won every state except Mondale’s native Minnesota.
For all of Reagan’s aggressive Cold Warrior image, he succeeded on the economy and the Morning in America ad indicated that his team was well aware that this was where his strength lay. In his second term, Reagan would be facing up against a new and more energetic Soviet leader. Konstantin Chernenko, the third head of the Soviet Union while Reagan had been in office after the deaths of both Leonid Brezhnev and Yuri Andropov, died on the 10th of March 1985.
Chernenko, Brezhnev and Andropov had all been born between 1906 and 1914 and came of age during the Stalinist era. They were older Soviet leaders whose world views were shaped by the Second World War, the Stalinist terror and the early decades of the Cold War. Conversely, Chernenko’s successor, Mikhail Gorbachev, was born in 1931 and had a different mindset.
He had come of age in a more prosperous and less tyrannical Soviet Union in the 1950s and 1960s. However, he had then seen the Soviet economy stagnate in the 1970s and fail to recover in the way that Reagan’s US economy was in the 1980s.
This economic malaise, combined with incidents like the Chernobyl nuclear power plant meltdown in Ukraine on the 26th of April 1986, convinced Gorbachev that the Soviet Union was in drastic need of reform to modernise it. Thus, he initiated policies like glasnost and perestroika, whereby he sought to make the USSR more open to discussion about reform and also to adopt a less rigid economic system.
Gorbachev wanted to reform the Soviet Union, not destroy it – that needs to be stressed, as in the end his reform programme did end up bringing the USSR to a swift end. Reagan often gets the credit for bringing the Cold War to an end, and he certainly played a role, but Gorbachev was the really critical figure. Reagan met Gorbachev for their first official summit in November 1985 at Geneva in Switzerland.
They immediately established a rapport, having both come from humble backgrounds and noting that ordinary Americans and Russians had a lot to gain from a more peaceful relationship between the two superpowers. The meetings ran on beyond the scheduled time and at one juncture Reagan returned to his diplomatic team after a conversation with Gorbachev and proclaimed that the Soviet Union had a fundamentally different leader now to what had gone before. A second summit followed at Reykjavik in Iceland in October 1986. Here Reagan stood firm
on a number of issues concerning defence and instead pressed Gorbachev to reform the Soviet Union and at a minimum to grant greater autonomy to the Warsaw Pact states in Eastern Europe like East Germany and Poland. All of this bore fruit during their third official summit in Washington D.C. in December 1987.
In the middle of this an announcement was made that the Intermediate-Range, Nuclear Forces Treaty was to be signed between the two countries who controlled virtually all of the world’s stockpiles of nuclear weapons at the time. The treaty banned the development of intermediate-range missiles that could carry nuclear warheads across distances of around 5,500 kilometres.
This was hardly an end to the nuclear stand-off that had existed between the two nations since the Russians tested their first atomic weapon in 1949. On the other hand it was a deeply symbolic move which signalled a clear thaw in the Cold War relationship and a desire to end decades of tensions. Further agreements were signed during the Presidency of George H. W. Bush which could certainly be described as part of the legacy of Reagan’s diplomacy with Gorbachev.
Reagan’s diplomacy with Gorbachev bore a lot of fruit in the long run. Elsewhere, though, his administration ended up mired in controversy in the middle of his second term. This focused on the Middle East and Central America. The US had started out supporting Saddam Hussein and Iraq in the Iran-Iraq War that raged from 1980 to 1988.
Over time the position of Reagan’s government changed as Hussein began using chemical weapons against both the Iranians and the Kurdish minority in northern Iraq. Although the US embassy hostage crisis in Iran between the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the freeing of the hostages in January 1981 meant that the US could never be seen to be supplying the Iranians with weapons, that is exactly what was occurring in the mid-1980s.
This formed part of a complex planned triangular trade whereby the clandestine proceeds would then be used to fund the Contra rebels who opposed the communist Sandinistas in Nicaragua’s civil war. The initial enterprise soon became mired in attempts to use the proceeds to free hostages held by the Iran-linked Hezbollah in Lebanon.
The Iran-Contra affair was exposed in November 1986 and Reagan had to make a televised national address in March 1987 where he attempted to explain away the manner in which the trading of arms to Iran had become entangled in different geopolitical issues. What sharpened the criticism was that the Iran-Contra affair broke at the same time that Kuwait was requesting American aid to defend its oil tankers moving through the Persian Gulf and the Straits of Hormuz from attacks by Iran.
This was in an era when the shock of the 1973 Oil Crisis and the economic damage it had caused remained fresh in the memory of Americans. The idea that Reagan’s administration had conspired with Iranian officials and yet was now dispatching a US naval force to the Persian Gulf to defend Kuwaiti tankers trying to deliver oil onto the world market against potential Iranian attacks did not sit well with many Americans.
The Iran-Contra affair was the biggest controversy of Reagan’s tenure in the White House. Elsewhere in foreign policy terms, Reagan responded to the growing international condemnation of the Apartheid regime in South Africa by adopting what was termed the “Constructive Engagement” policy.
Via this, Reagan sought to convince the South African government to abandon elements of Apartheid over time. It was not a popular approach and in 1986 the US Congress overrode Reagan. His conciliatory approach towards South Africa reflected a desire to keep as many African nations within Washington’s sphere of influence as possible at a time when many civil wars with Cold War elements to them were underway across the continent, notably in Ethiopia. Libya had also become an issue.
On the 5th of April 1986 a terrorist bombing was carried out on a discotheque in West Berlin, killing three people and injuring over 200. It was quickly concluded that the regime of Muammar Gaddafi was connected to the terrorists and on the 15th of April Operation El Dorado Canyon was carried out on Reagan’s orders. A swift strategic bombing raid hit several of Libya’s airports and depleted part of Gaddafi’s air force.
This also led to a greater split between Libya and the west and in the final weeks of Reagan’s second term the Lockerbie Bombing took place on the 21st of December 1988, an attack on a passenger plane that led to 270 deaths in Scotland. Gaddafi was widely believed to have sanctioned the attack. Despite these foreign policy issues, it is likely that had Reagan not been term limited he would have managed to win a third term.
He remained extremely popular at home, in part because the American economy continued to perform well. Even the stock market crash of Black Monday, the 19th of October 1987, proved to be more of a rapid flash crash that the US recovered from comparatively fast. Hence, with the Reagan economy having performed well on the whole, his Vice-President, George H. W.
Bush, who was deeply implicated in the Intra-Contra affair, managed to win election as the 41st President of the United States following the election on the 8th of November 1988. He won 426 votes of the Electoral College against Michael Dukakis’ 111. Reagan’s Cold War activity really came to fruition during Bush Sr.’s single term. There had already been major internal unrest in Poland in Reagan’s final year in office.
This spread to Hungary, Czechoslovakia and East Germany in 1989, leading to the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Iron Curtain. Germany reunited in 1990 and the USSR collapsed with surprising speed in 1991. The Cold War was over.
Reagan didn’t win it, as some over exuberant analysts sometimes claim, but he did contribute substantially to ending it. Reagan was the oldest president to leave office when he did so at 77 years of age early in 1989, although Joe Biden has since exceeded that tally. Despite his advanced age, Reagan publicly stated that he had extensive plans for his post-presidency.
He busied himself with work on the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, which opened in Simi Valley in California in 1991. He and Nancy had returned to the West Coast after leaving the White House, where they lived between their ranch and a house in Bel Air in Los Angeles. Nancy was busier than Ronald in a way, as she had launched the Nancy Reagan Foundation to continue her efforts on the War on Drugs after her time as First Lady.
After a respectful period in which he avoided the public gaze so as not to distract from Bush taking up office, Reagan began to make public appearances again and to give speeches. One of his main concerns in retirement was to promote the continuation of the 2nd Amendment to the US Constitution, the right to bear arms.
This was a longstanding concern of Reagan’s and the National Rifle Association had endorsed him in 1980 and 1984. A caveat is that Reagan became a critic of the ownership of assault weapons and machine guns in the 1990s, stating that he saw no practical reason why Americans should own them. On another constitutional issue Reagan was in favour of repeal. He was not a fan of the 22nd Amendment that had been ratified in 1951 to limit US Presidents to serving two terms.
There is no indication that Reagan was opposed to this on personal grounds. He had no intention of trying to run again for a third term. Instead, he was opposed to term restrictions as he believed it was an undemocratic principle. These speeches and public outings came to an abrupt end in 1994 when Reagan was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease.
Although he lived down to 2004, he spent his last years out of public view as his condition deteriorated very drastically. By the end of the 1990s he recognised few people that visited him. Reagan died on the 5th of June 2004 in Los Angeles at 93 years of age. Ronald Reagan is amongst the ten most consequential presidents in American history, alongside the likes of George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, and Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt.
But Reagan is usually bracketed with consequential presidents like Andrew Jackson, Woodrow Wilson and Lyndon Johnson in that, unlike Washington, Lincoln and the Roosevelts, he divides opinion. His rise to the White House was unusual.
He started life as a sports broadcaster in the age of radio and then became a prominent actor in Hollywood. After a divisive role in the Red Scare in Hollywood, he moved into politics and became Governor of California in 1967. From that point forwards his star was in the ascendant and as early as 1968 he ran to become the Republican Party’s presidential candidate.
A second campaign, challenging the incumbent, Gerald Ford, in 1976, was surprisingly close and from thereon Reagan was the clear frontrunner to be the Republican candidate in 1980. He breezed into the White House in that election with George Bush Sr. as his running mate, defeating an unpopular Jimmy Carter, who was facing economic and political headwinds. In office Reagan is known for two things.
He took a firm stance on the Soviet Union and signalled his determination to win the Cold War at a moment when the Russian economy continued to deteriorate and the USSR had become mired in its equivalent of the Vietnam War in Afghanistan. Secondly, he adopted a new economic approach which echoed the one being employed by Margaret Thatcher in Britain, specifically tax cuts, deregulation and privatisation.
Although Reaganomics possibly created long-term issues, there is no disputing that the American economy rebounded in a very tangible way in the 1980s after the challenging 1970s. Similarly, his approach to the Cold War divides opinion. Clearly Reagan played a considerable role in winning it for America, but critics would argue that the real driving force behind the end of the conflict was internal reform within the USSR and the Warsaw Pact countries.
Whatever the truth of the matter, historians and others will continue to debate Reagan’s legacy for a long time to come. What do you think of Ronald Reagan? Was he the pivotal figure in America’s victory in the Cold War or was the Soviet Union doomed to collapse regardless of anything that Reagan did? Please let us know in the comment section, and in the meantime, thank you very much for watching.
